اسم الباحث : منة الله جميل سرحان
اسم المشرف : حسين جبار شكر
الكلمات المفتاحية :
الكلية : كلية التربية للعلوم الانسانية
الاختصاص : التاريخ الحديث والمعاصر
سنة نشر البحث : 2022
تحميل الملف : اضغط هنا لتحميل البحث
تنطلق الرسالة من فرضية مفادها أن لشخصية خالد محيي الدين دوراً سياسياً مهماً و بارزاً لم تتناوله دراسة سابقة في جامعاتنا العراقية، بوصفها من الشخصيات المحركة لكثير من الأحداث المصيرية المهمة في تاريخ مصر, وتحديداً المدة الزمنية التي تناولتها الرسالة اذ أنه من خلال الرسالة نعرف هل كان خالد موافقاً على سياسة جمال عبد الناصر وأعضاء مجلس القيادة بعد الثورة, اذ نقف على المشهد السياسي في مجمله مِن أجل التعرف على المساحات الممكنةِ لأي سياسي معارض, ولماذا وصلت الخلافات بينه وبين أنور السادات شدتها في مدة حكمه ,وما هو وجه الرفض للرئيس محمد حسني مبارك, فهذه الشخصية عاصرت رؤساء مصر كلهم منذ إقامة النظام الجمهوري, ومن هذا المنطلق جاء اختيار الباحثة لدراسة هذه الشخصية موضوعاً لرسالتها، فجاءت رسالتي بعنوان (خالد محيي الدين ودوره السياسي في مصر حتى عام 2008).
اقتضت طبيعة الدراسة تقسيمها على مقدمة وأربعة فصول وخاتمة وعدد من الملاحق وقائمة بالمصادر والمراجع.
وكان الفصل الأول بعنوان( نشأة خالد محيي الدين وبواكير نشاطاته السياسية والفكرية) وتناول الفصل الخلفية الاسرية ,وبداية نشاطه العسكري والفكري والسياسي ، وجاء على أربعة مباحث اذ تضمن المبحث الأول الولادة والنشأة, عائلته, دراسته حتى تخرجه من الكلية الحربية , وتطرقنا في المبحث الثاني، إلى انضمام خالد محيي الدين إلى (جماعة الاخوان المسلمين) عام1944, اذ انضم في أربعينيات القرن الماضي عدد من ضباط الجيش المصري إلى “جماعة الإخوان المسلمين” وكان ان خالد واحداً منهم مع جمال عبد الناصر وبدأت الاجتماعات بهم ثم أصبحت هذه الاجتماعات دورية (اسبوعية) في بيت أحد الضباط , وكانت الجماعة لا يعرف لها هدف سوى الحكم بكتاب الله، وأنهم جميعاً بايعوا على ذلك, ثم ما لبث خالد إلا أن أثار الاسئلة باحثاً عن برنامج لهم وصولاً الى ترك الجماعة بعد اربعة اعوام ,فيما تناول المبحث الثالث بداياته اليسارية واراءه الفكرية, بانضمامه إلى منظمة “ايسكرا” الشيوعية , وتطرق المبحث الرابع الى موقف خالد محيي الدين من قضية تقسيم فلسطين عام 1948 في تلك المدة وموقفه من اليسار المصري والرجعية العربية و”اسرائيل”.
وتناول الفصل الثاني دور خالد محيي الدين أبان ثورة 23 يوليو 1952 حتى عام 1970، وبينا في المبحث الأول، جهود خالد محيي الدين في تأسيس تنظيم الضباط الاحرار, بداً من انضمامه للتنظيم, وصولاً الى كتابته للمنشورات وطبعها وتوزيعها وكتابته لأهداف الثورة الستة وصولاً الى موعد الثورة, ثم تطرقنا في المبحث الثاني الدور القيادي لخالد محيي الدين في تنفيذ ثورة ليلة23 يوليو تموز1952, وأشرنا فيه إلى تفاصيل موعد انطلاق حركة الضباط الاحرار والاجتماعات المتكررة وصولا الى وضع الخطة النهائية وقراتها في بيته قبل الثورة بيوم واحد اضافة الى المهام الملقاة على عاتقه في تلك الليلة وصولاً الى نجاحه في تلك المهام دون أراقة الدماء ورفضه اعدام الملك فاروق والاكتفاء بتنازله عن العرش ونفيه , وتناول المبحث الثالث صراعه مع مجلس قيادة الثورة 1952-1954, ومنها موقفه من قضية الديمقراطية و الأحزاب المصرية ، واختلافه معهم ازاء تشكيل محكمة الثورة عام 1953،والمحاكمات التي قامت المحكمة بتنفيذها، وقراره ازاء ذلك تقديم استقالته من مجلس قيادة الثورة وكانت هذه الاستقالة الاولى وخلافاتهم مع الرئيس الجديد للجمهورية محمد نجيب وعرض تكوين وزارة مدنية بقيادته وصولاً الى اشتداد معارضته مع اعضاء “مجلس قيادة الثورة” في ما عرف بأزمة مارس1954 وصولا الى نفيه الى سويسرا من العام نفسه, وتابع الفصل الثاني في المبحث الرابع مرحلة النفي 1954و العودة حتى عام 1970, اذ سلط المبحث الضوء على دوره في منفاه وعودته عام 1956 وترأسه لجريدة “المساء” 1956- 1958 و سكرتارية لمجلس السلام المصري ,حتى صار رئيسا له وعضوا بمجلس السلام العالمي ثم عضواً بتنظيم الاتحاد العربي الاشتراكي عام 1964,وترؤس مجلة “اخبار اليوم” عام 1964- 1965 وصولاً الى موقفه من نكسة 1967وموت الرئيس جمال عبد الناصر عام 1970.
تناول الفصل الثالث مرحلة سياسية مختلفة تماماً عن سابقتها من حياة خالد محيي الدين وهي مرحلة رئاسة أنور السادات (1970- 1981) وجاء عنوان الفصل نشاط خالد محيي الدين السياسي والحزبي في عهد الرئيس أنور السادات 1970-1981 , فتطرقنا في المبحث الاول الى نشاط خالد السياسي ابتداءً من عام 1970 حتى عام 1973 تحدثنا فيه عن موقفه من رئاسة أنور السادات واستلامه جائزة لينين للسلام ومهاجمته من قبل الكاتب المعروف مصطفى محمود , هوجم خالد ايضا بسبب اعداده للتحضير لعقد (مؤتمر بولونيا)عام 1971وكان له موقفه من صراع السادات ومركز القوى على الرغم من ان خالد كان بعيداً عن الجناحين المتصارعين وسط هذه المعركة , ليس في السلطة من الاساس, لكن رغم ذلك كانت اجراءات السادات قد شملته وقام بتحديد اقامته, وصولا الى خوض مصر والدول العربية في تشرين الاول 1973, حرباً ضد “إسرائيل” وتأييد خالد السادات في شن الحرب على عليها, وتناول المبحث الثاني, تأسيس لحزب التجمع الوطني التقدمي الوحدوي1974-1976, وما رافقه من مشاكل وتكوين البرنامج الخاص بالحزب وخوضه انتخابات عام 1976, وفوزه بأحد مقاعد مجلس الشعب, فيما تناول المبحث الثالث, معارضته لسياسة الانفتاح الاقتصادي 1973-1981, التي انتهجها الرئيس السادات, اذ تبنى الرئيس سياسة الانفتاح وكانت إعلانا بإطلاق الحرية الكاملة لرأس المال الخاص أجنبيا كان أم محليا؛ بل كانت خطوة حاسمة نحو سيادة رأس المال الخاص على الاقتصاد المصري ,تطرقنا في المبحث الرابع الى انتفاضة 18و19كانون الثاني يناير1977, والتي اتهم خالد وحزبه بإشعالها اثر البيان الذي أصدره الحزب ومشاركة أعضاء حزب التجمع في الانتفاضة اذ سجن المئات منهم, وتمت تبرئتهم في النهاية , وتطرقنا في المبحث الخامس موقفه من الاتفاقيات المصرية الاسرائيلية 1977-1981,اذ تبنى الرئيس انور السادات سياسية التقرب من الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية و سعت الاخيرة لإيجاد تسوية سياسية للنزاع العربي – الإسرائيلي, وهي اتفاقية كامب ديفيد والتي نتج عنها اتفاقيتان, تم التوقيع عليهما في البيت الأبيض في 17أيلول1978 وهما ,اطار للسلام في الشرق الاوسط ,والتي شنت عليها صحيفة (الاهالي) التابعة لحزب التجمع والتي صدرت في نفس العام 1978, ,حملة شعواء على السادات وتوقفت بعد اربعة اصدارات ,ومن هنا شن الاخير حملة اعتقالات ضارية على الحزب ,اما المعاهدة الثاني فهي معاهدة السلام بين مصر و”اسرائيل” والتي عقدت في 26اذار1979, وصولاً الى اغتيال السادات عام 1981,وموقف خالد منه, وننتقل في الفصل الاخير من الرسالة الذي جاء بعنوان مواقف خالد محيي الدين السياسية في عهد الرئيس حسني مبارك , ابتداءً من توليه الرئاسة عام 1981 حتى عام 2005 ,الذي اعتزل فيه العمل السياسي , اذ تناول المبحث الأول موقفه من سياسة حسني مبارك الانتخابية والديمقراطية 1981- 2005, بداية من معارضته لطريقة الترشيح ,اذ اتخذ خالد وحزبه موقف التريث والامتناع عن التصويت ، ليس لسبب يتعلق بشخص الرئيس حسني مبارك، ولكن تمسكا بمطالبته بتعديل الدستور ليكون اختيار رئيس الجمهورية بالانتخاب المباشر من بين أكثر من مرشح ، وليس بالاستفتاء على مرشح واحد فقط , وتناول المبحث الثاني ترأسه لحزب التجمع التقدمي الوحدوي ١٩٨١- 2002 ,وعقده مؤتمرات عديدة وتم التركيز ايضا في هذا المبحث على جريدة(الاهالي) كبديل للتحرك وسط الجماهير وتغير البرنامج والإجراءات والتعديلات على البرنامج الحزبي وخوض الانتخابات في كل تلك المدة ,وتناول المبحث الثالث مواقفه من القضايا الداخلية المصرية ومنها القضية الاقتصادية والقضية الطائفية و قضية الجندي المصري سليمان خاطر1985-1986, و رأي خالد في العلاقات المصرية – الامريكية والاسرائيلية1981- 1985, بينما تطرقنا في المبحث الرابع عن موقفه من بعض القضايا العربية ومنها القضية الفلسطينية1981- 1985, والحرب العراقية الايرانية 1981-1988, والحرب العراقية الكويتية عام 1990.
Rp-Khaled Mohi Eldin and his political role in Egypt until 2008 .pdf
Abstract
The role of personalities and their political, economic, social, and cultural impacts, whether in their own countries or at the level of neighbouring countries, have drawn considerable attention in academic studies. the emergence of individuals whose influence spanned the Arab world and the rest of the world The personalities of the leaders of the July 23, 1952 revolution and their roles in the development of the events in Egypt, each according to his position and his similarity to or difference from Gamal Abdel Nasser, piqued the interest of the Iraqi and Arab researchers, Following the July 23rd revolution in 1952 The personality of Khaled Mohie El-Din, one of the most notable leaders of the July 23 Revolution and a member of the Revolutionary Command Council, caught our attention. Al-Nasser, Hosni Mubarak, and Muhammad Anwar Al-Sadat To address all of this, the topic of Khaled Mohie El-Din and his political role in Egypt up until 2008 was chosen as the subject of the master’s thesis in an effort to shed light on some unsolved questions and provide clarification on some of the previously presented events in order to serve as a witness to all of the events, as he called his meetings.
The thissis proceeds from the premise that the personality of Khaled Mohie El-Din has an important and prominent political role that was not addressed by a previous study in our Iraqi universities, as it is one of the driving personalities of many important fateful events in the history of Egypt, specifically the time period covered by the letter, as through the letter we know whether he was Khaled agreed with the policy of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the members of the Leadership Council after the revolution, as we stand on the political scene as a whole in order to identify the possible spaces for any opposition politician, and why the differences between him and Anwar Sadat reached their intensity during his rule, and what was the rejection of President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak , This character has lived with all the presidents of Egypt since the establishment of the republican system, and from this point of view came the researcher’s choice to study this character as the subject of her message. The nature of the study necessitated dividing it into an introduction, four chapters, a conclusion, a number of appendices, and a list of sources and references.
The first chapter was entitled (The rise of Khaled Mohie El-Din and the beginnings of his political and intellectual activities) and the chapter dealt with the family background, and the beginning of his military, intellectual and political activity, Khaled Mohieldin joined the Muslim Brotherhood in 1944, In the 1940s, a number of Egyptian army officers joined the Muslim Brotherhood. Khaled was one of them with Gamal Abdel Nasser, and meetings began with them. Then these meetings became periodic (weekly) in The house of one of the officers, and the group had no goal other than ruling by the Book of God, and that they all pledged allegiance to that, Then Khalid raised the questions, searching for a program for them, until he left the group after four years, while the third topic dealt with Khalid’s leftist beginnings and his intellectual efforts. , by joining the communist “Iskra” organization, and the fourth topic touched upon Khaled Mohieldin’s position on the issue of the partition of Palestine in 1948 during that period and his position on the Egyptian left, Arab reaction and “Israel”.
The second chapter dealt with the role of Khaled Mohie El-Din during the revolution of July 23, 1952 until 1970, and explained in the first section, his role in the formation of the Free Officers Organization, starting from his joining the organization in 1944 , all the way to writing, printing, distributing and writing the six goals of the revolution up to the date of the revolution. Then, in the second topic, we touched on the leading role of Khaled Mohieldin on the night of July 23, 1952, in which we referred to the details of the launch date of the Free Officers Movement and the repeated meetings, leading to the development of the final plan and its reading in his house one day before the revolution, in addition to the tasks entrusted to him on that night, leading to his success in those tasks without bloodshed and his refusal to execute King Farouk and contentment with his abdication and exile from the throne. The third topic dealt with Khaled’s disputes with members of the “Revolution Command Council” 1952-1954, including his position on the issue of democracy and Egyptian parties, and his disagreement with them regarding the formation of the Revolutionary Court in 1953, and the trials that took place The court implemented it, and his decision in this regard to submit his resignation from the Revolutionary Command Council. His leadership led to the intensification of his opposition with the members of the “Revolution Command Council” in what was known as the March 1954 crisis, leading to his exile to Switzerland of the same year. The third chapter in the fourth chapter continued the stage of his exile in 1954 and his return until 1970, as the study sheds light on his role in his exile and his return in 1956. He headed the newspaper “Al-Massa” from 1956- 1958 and a secretariat for the Egyptian Peace Council, until he became its president and a member of the World Peace Council, then a member of the Arab Socialist Union organization in 1964, and he headed the “Akhbar Al-Youm” magazine in 1964- 1965 until his position on the setback of 1967 and the death of President Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970.
The third chapter dealt with a completely different political stage from the previous one in Khaled Mohi El-Din’s life, which is the phase of Anwar El-Sadat’s presidency (1970-1981). From 1970 until 1973, we talked about his position on the Peace of Presidency Anwar Sadat and his receipt of the Lenin Prize and his attack by the well-known writer Mustafa Mahmoud. He was far from the two conflicting wings in the midst of this battle, not in power in the first place, but despite that, Sadat’s measures included him and he his residence, leading to Egypt and the Arab countries waging a war against “Israel” ” and Khaled Sadat’s support in waging war on Israel. On it, the second topic dealt with its founding of the National Progressive Unionist Party 1974-1976, and the accompanying problems and the formation of the party’s program and its participation in the elections in 1976, and its winning of a seat in the People’s Assembly , while the third topic dealt with Khaled Mohie’s opposition Al-Din and members of the Gathering Party for the Economic Opening Policy 1973-1981, which President Sadat pursued, as the President adopted the Opening Policy and it was a declaration of the full freedom of private capital, whether foreign or local; Rather, it was a decisive step towards the dominance of private capital over the Egyptian economy. In the topic, we discussed the fourth uprising of January 18 and 19, 1977, which Khaled and his party were accused of igniting following the statement issued by the party and the participation of members of the Tagammu party in the uprising, as hundreds of them were imprisoned, and they were eventually acquitted. In the fifth topic of Khaled Mohieldin’s opposition to the Egyptian-Israeli 1977-1981, President Anwar Sadat adopted a policy of rapprochement with the United States of America, and the latter sought to find a political settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict, which is the Camp David Accords, which resulted in two agreements, which were signed at home Al-Abyad on September 17, 1978, and they are a framework for peace in the Middle East, on which the newspaper (Al-Ahali) affiliated with the Tagammu Party, which was issued in the same year 1978 and stopped after four publications, launched a violent campaign against Sadat, and from here the latter launched a campaign of fierce arrests against the party. As for the second intermediary, it is the peace between Egypt and “Israel”, which was held on March 26, 1979, up to the assassination of Sadat in 1981, and Khaled’s position on it,
Starting from his assumption of the demand, in 1981 until 2005, and his opposition to Khaled and his party began a stance of waiting for voting, for a reason in the person of President Hosni Mubarak, but sticking to President Hosni Mubarak, not by a referendum on choosing the President of the Republic by direct election, and not by a referendum on the next leadership of the Progressive Unionist Party since In 1981 until 2002, he held several conferences, and the focus was on that in this topic of the newspaper (Al-Ahali) as an alternative to working among the masses, changing the program, amending the party program, and contesting elections during that period. Egyptian Interior Ministry Egyptian soldier Suleiman Khater 1985-1986, Khaled’s opinion on Egyptian-American and Israeli relations, while in the fourth section we discussed Khaled’s position on some Arab issues, the Palestinian issue, the Iraqi-Iranian war 1981-1988, and the Iraq-Kuwait war in 1990.
Khaled Mohi eldin is considered one of the most prominent politicians in Egypt who presented his efforts and ideas to his country, and through our study of his personality and role, the researcher reached a number of conclusions:
1. Khaled Mohieldin’s political inclinations appeared from an early age, which prompted him to search for any grouping or party capable of implementing what he believes in and achieving independence for Egypt.
2. His upbringing and studies had a clear impact on the vicissitudes of his early life in determining the political front or party to which he belongs, which led to his transition from a religious orientation to a socialist orientation.
3 – He gained a prominent and effective position among the members of the Revolutionary Command Council and the army commanders, to the extent that he was nominated for prime minister at the expense of Gamal Abdel Nasser, because they believed that he was the right person. For the current stage at that time, who was able to save Egypt from the furnace of relations and power struggles between Gamal Abdel Nasser and Muhammad Naguib. and the remaining members of the Leadership Council.
4. Khaled Mohieldin’s position in the ranks of the cavalry led to a split in the ranks of the army because of their support for Khaled Mohieldin’s position in favor of democracy and the return of parliamentary life. At the same time, Khaled Muhi eddin was able to suppress this sedition with his direct intervention.
5. Khaled Mohi eldin was distinguished by a clear and honest personality to a large extent, which was represented in his confrontation with the positions of the opposition, such as Gamal Abdel Nasser, Muhammad Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak alike, without regard to the political and administrative positions that he exercised. During his reign, which also led to his expulsion during the reign of Gamal Abdel Nasser in a peaceful and diplomatic manner.
6. Sadat did not dare harm Khaled Mohi eldin for opposing his policy, especially towards the Zionist entity and its peace treaties, similar to the actions he took against other politicians.
7. Khaled Mohi eldin gained a clear and influential position in the Egyptian street for being one of the heroes of his revolution on July 23, 1952, due to his reputation as an opponent against the policies of Abdel Nasser, Muhammad Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak, which paved the way for his leadership of the Tagammu’ Party.
8. Khaled Mohi eldin created a new pattern in the partisan work in the political history of Egypt, which was known as (the pulpits), which caused him to be criticized for insulting the history of the Egyptian political parties for insulting them and their unifying affiliations, because he gathered in the pulpit more than one political and partisan orientation (socialist, Communist, nationalist) in the Tagammu Party, and Khaled Mohi eldin justified this to strengthen the restoration of partisan life under Sadat’s rule, and he wanted in the platforms a step to pave the way for the return of political parties
9. Khaled Mohi eldin was known for his belief and conviction in democracy, which is the basis of his problems or his opposition to the successive regimes of Egypt, and formed the core of his political and partisan activity throughout his life.
10. Despite the names and affiliations with which Khaled Mohi eldin was described (communist, socialist, Marxist) and others, the most prominent characteristic of him is his Arabism, his Egyptianness, his patriotism, and his belief in justice and democracy.
11. Khaled Mohi eldin criticized the Egyptian presidents while maintaining a positive relationship with them because he was critical of their policy rather than their person.
12. The personality and status of Khaled Mohi eddin was granted to the men of the Egyptian government, led by the presidents of the Republic of Egypt (Gamal Abdel Nasser, Muhammad Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak), from colliding with him directly or offending him through arrest or imprisonment, as happened with the rest of the political figures, especially the opposition ones. Everyone resorted to taking cautious stances, or at least warning them against indulging in actions that provoked the ruling authorities.